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IX[1] When I saw you, Nicocles, honoring the tomb of your
father, not only with numerous and beautiful offerings, but also with
dances, music, and athletic contests, and, furthermore, with races of
horses and triremes, and leaving to others no possibility of surpassing you
in such celebrations, [2] I judged that Evagoras (if the dead have any
perception of that which takes place in this world), while gladly accepting
these offerings and rejoicing in the spectacle of your devotion and
princely magnificence in honoring him, would feel far greater gratitude to
anyone who could worthily recount his principles in life and his perilous
deeds than to all other men;
[3] for we shall find that men of ambition and greatness
of soul not only are desirous of praise for such things, but prefer a
glorious death to life, zealously seeking glory rather than existence, and
doing all that lies in their power to leave behind a memory of themselves
that shall never die. [4] Expenditure of money can effect nothing of this
kind, but is an indication of wealth only; and those who devote themselves
to music and letters and to the various contests, some by exhibiting their
strength and others their artistic skill, win for themselves greater honor.
But the spoken words which should adequately recount the deeds of Evagoras
would make his virtues never to be forgotten among all mankind. [5] Now
other writers should have praised those who in their own time had proved
themselves good men, to the end that those who have the ability to glorify
the deeds of their contemporaries, by speaking in the presence of those who
knew the facts might have employed the truth concerning them, and also that
the younger generation might with greater emulation have striven for
virtue, knowing well that they would be praised more highly than those whom
they have excelled in merit.
[6] But as it is, who would not be disheartened when he
sees those who lived in the time of the Trojan war, and even earlier,1
celebrated in song and tragedy, and yet foresees that even if he himself surpass
their valorous achievements he will never be thought worthy of such praise?
The cause of this is envy, which has this as its only good--it is the
greatest evil to those who feel it. For some are so ungenerous by nature
that they would listen more gladly to the praise of men of whose existence
they are uncertain rather than of those who may have been their own
benefactors. [7] Men of intelligence, however, should not let themselves be
enslaved by men whose minds are so perverted; on the contrary, they should
ignore such as these and accustom their fellows to hear about those whom we
are in duty bound to praise, especially since we are aware that progress is
made, not only in the arts, but in all other activities, not through the
agency of those that are satisfied with things as they are, but through
those who correct, and have the courage constantly to change, anything
which is not as it should be.
[8] I am fully aware that what I propose to do is
difficult--to eulogize in prose the virtues of a man. The best proof is
this: Those who devote themselves to philosophy venture to speak on many
subjects of every kind, but no one of them has ever attempted to compose a
discourse on such a theme. And I can make much allowance for them. For to
the poets is granted the use of many embellishments of language,
[9] since they can represent the gods as associating
with men, conversing with and aiding in battle whomsoever they please, and
they can treat of these subjects not only in conventional expressions, but
in words now exotic, now newly coined, and now in figures of speech,
neglecting none, but using every kind with which to embroider their poesy.
[10] Orators, on the contrary, are not permitted the use of such devices;
they must use with precision only words in current use and only such ideas
as bear upon the actual facts. Besides, the poets compose all their works
with meter and rhythm, while the orators do not share in any of these
advantages; and these lend such charm that even though the poets may be deficient
in style and thoughts, yet by the very spell of their rhythm and harmony
they bewitch their listeners. [11] The power of poetry may be understood
from this consideration: if one should retain the words and ideas of poems
which are held in high esteem, but do away with the meter, they will appear
far inferior to the opinion we now have of them. Nevertheless, although
poetry has advantages so great, we must not shrink from the task, but must
make the effort and see if it will be possible in prose to eulogize good
men in no worse fashion than their encomiasts do who employ song and verse.
[12] In the first place, with respect to the birth and
ancestry of Evagoras, even if many are already familiar with the facts, I
believe it is fitting that I also should recount them for the sake of the
others, that all may know that he proved himself not inferior to the
noblest and greatest examples of excellence which were of his inheritance.
[13] For it is acknowledged that the noblest of the demigods are the sons of
Zeus, and there is no one who would not award first place among these to
the Aeacidae: for while in the other families we shall find some of
superior and some of inferior worth, yet all the Aeacidae have been most
renowned of all their contemporaries. [14] In the first place Aeacus, son
of Zeus and ancestor of the family of the Teucridae, was so distinguished
that when a drought visited the Greeks and many persons had perished, and
when the magnitude of the calamity had passed all bounds, the leaders of the
cities came as suppliants to him; for they thought that, by reason of his
kinship with Zeus and his piety, they would most quickly obtain from the
gods relief from the woes that afflicted them.
[15] Having gained their desire, they were saved and
built in Aegina a temple1 to be shared by all the Greeks on the very spot
where he had offered his prayer. During his entire stay among men he ever
enjoyed the fairest repute, and after his departure from life it is said
that he sits by the side of Pluto and Kore in the enjoyment of the highest
honors.
[16] The sons of Aeacus were Telamon and Peleus; Telamon
won the meed of valor in an expedition with Heracles against Laomedon, and
Peleus, having distinguished himself in the battle with the Centaurs and
having won glory in many other hazardous enterprises, wedded Thetis, the
daughter of Nereus, he a mortal winning an immortal bride. And they say
that at his wedding alone, of all the human race who have ever lived, the
wedding-song was sung by gods. [17] To each of these two were born sons--to
Telamon Ajax and Teucer, and to Peleus Achilles, and these heroes gave
proof of their valour in the clearest and most convincing way: for not
alone in their own cities were they pre-eminent, or in the places where
they made their homes, but when an expedition was organized by the Greeks
against the barbarians, and a great army was assembled on either side
[18] and no warrior of repute was absent, Achilles above
all distinguished himself in these perils. And Ajax was second to him in
valor, and Teucer, who proved himself worthy of their kinship and inferior
to none of the other heroes, after he had helped in the capture of Troy,
went to Cyprus and founded Salamis, giving to it the name of his former
native land1 ; and he left behind him the family that now reigns.
[19] So distinguished from the beginning was the
heritage transmitted to Evagoras by his ancestors. After the city had been
founded in this manner, the rule at first was held by Teucer's descendants:
at a later time, however, there came from Phoenicia a fugitive, who after
he had gained the confidence of the king who then reigned, and had won
great power, showed no proper gratitude for the favor shown him; [20] on
the contrary, he acted basely toward his host, and being skilled at
grasping, he expelled his benefactor and himself seized the throne. But
distrustful of the consequences of his measures and wishing to make his
position secure, he reduced the city to barbarism, and brought the whole
island into subservience to the Great King.
[21] Such was the state of affairs in Salamis, and the
descendants of the usurper were in possession of the throne when Evagoras
was born. I prefer to say nothing of the portents, the oracles, the visions
appearing in dreams, from which the impression might be gained that he was
of superhuman birth, not because I disbelieve the reports, but that I may
make it clear to all that I am so far from resorting to invention in
speaking of his deeds that even of those matters which are in fact true I
dismiss such as are known only to the few and of which not all the citizens
are cognizant. And I shall begin my account of him with the generally
acknowledged facts.
[22] When Evagoras was a boy he possessed beauty, bodily
strength, and modesty, the very qualities that are most becoming to that
age. Witnesses could be produced for these assertions: for his modesty--
fellow-citizens who were educated with him: for his beauty--all who beheld
him: for his strength--all the contests in which he vanquished his
age-mates. [23] When he attained to manhood not only did all these
qualities grow up with him, but to them were also added manly courage,
wisdom, and justice, and that too in no ordinary measure, as is the case
with some others, but each of these characteristics in extraordinary
degree. So surpassing was his excellence of both body and mind,
[24] that when the kings of that time looked upon him
they were terrified and feared for their throne, thinking that a man of
such nature could not possibly pass his life in the status of a private
citizen, but whenever they observed his character, they felt such
confidence in him that they believed that even if anyone else should dare
to injure them, Evagoras would be their champion. [25] And although opinions
of him were so at variance, they were mistaken in neither respect: for he
neither remained in private life, nor did them injury: on the contrary, the
Deity took such thought for him that he should honorably assume the throne,
that all the preparations which necessarily involved impiety were made by
another, [26] while he preserved for Evagoras those means whereby it was
possible for him to gain the rule in accordance with piety and justice. For
one of the princes,1 starting a conspiracy, slew the tyrant and attempted
to arrest Evagoras, believing that he would not be able to retain the rule
himself unless he should get him out of the way.
[27] But Evagoras escaped this peril, and having saved
himself by fleeing to Soli in Cilicia did not show the same spirit as those
who are the victims of like misfortune. For other exiles from royal power
are humbled in spirit because of their misfortunes,whereas Evagoras
attained to such greatness of soul that, although until that time he had
lived as a private citizen, when he was driven into exile he determined to
gain the throne. [28] The wandering life of an exile, the dependence upon
the help of others in seeking his restoration and the paying of court to
his inferiors--all these he scorned: but this he took as his guiding
principle, which those who would be god-fearing men must take--to act only
in self-defense and never to be the aggressor: and he chose either by
success to regain the throne or, failing in that, to die. And so, calling
to his side men numbering, according to the highest estimates, about fifty,
with these he prepared to effect his return from exile. [29] And from this
venture especially the character of Evagoras and his reputation among his
associates may be seen: for although he was on the point of sailing with so
few companions for the accomplishment of so great a design, and although
all the attendant dangers were near at hand, neither did he himself lose
heart, nor did any of his companions see fit to shrink from these dangers:
nay, as if a god were their leader, they one and all held fast to their
promises, and Evagoras, just as if either he had an army superior to that
of his adversaries or foresaw the outcome, held to his opinion.
[30] This is evident from his acts: for, when he had
landed on the island, he did not think it necessary to seize a strong
position, make sure of his own safety, and then to wait and see if some of
the citizens would rally to his aid: but immediately, just as he was, on
that very night he broke through a little gate in the wall, and leading his
followers through this opening, attacked the palace. [31] The confusion
attendant upon such occasions, the fears of his followers, the exhortations
of their leader--why need I take the time to describe ? When the supporters
of the tyrant opposed him and the citizens generally were observers (for
they held their peace because they feared either the authority of the one
party or the valor of the other), [32] he did not cease from fighting,
whether alone against many or with few opposing all the foe, until, having
captured the palace, he had taken vengeance upon the enemy and had
succoured his friends: furthermore, he restored its ancestral honors to his
family and established himself as ruler of the city.
[33] I think that even if I should mention nothing more,
but should discontinue my discourse at this point, from what I have said
the valor of Evagoras and the greatness of his deeds would be readily
manifest: nevertheless, I consider that both will be yet more clearly
revealed from what remains to be said. [34] For of all the many sovereigns
since time began, none will be found to have won this honor more gloriously
than Evagoras. If we were to compare the deeds of Evagoras with those of
each one, such an account would perhaps be inappropriate to the occasion,
and the time would not suffice for the telling. But if we select the most
illustrious of these rulers and examine their exploits in the light of his,
our investigation will lose nothing thereby and our discussion will be much
more brief.
[35] Who then, would not choose the perilous deeds of
Evagoras before the fortunes of those who inherited their kingdoms from
their fathers? For surely there is no one so mean of spirit that he would prefer
to receive that power from his ancestors than first to acquire it, as he
did, and then to bequeath it to his children.
[36] Furthermore, of the returns to their thrones by
princes of ancient times the most renowned are those of which the poets tell
us: indeed they not only chronicle for us those which have been most
glorious, but also compose new ones of their own invention. Nevertheless no
poet has told the story of any legendary prince who has faced hazards so
formidable and yet regained his throne: on the contrary, most of their
heroes have been represented as having regained their kingdoms by chance,
others as having employed deceit and artifice to overcome their foes. [37]
Nay, of those who lived later, perhaps indeed of all, the one hero who was
most admired by the greatest number was Cyrus, who deprived the Medes of
their kingdom and gained it for the Persians. But while Cyrus with a
Persian army conquered the Medes, a deed which many a Greek or a barbarian
could easily do, Evagoras manifestly accomplished the greater part of the
deeds which have been mentioned through strength of his own mind and body.
[38] Again, while it is not at all certain from the expedition of Cyrus
that he would have endured the dangers of Evagoras, yet it is obvious to
all from the deeds of Evagoras that the latter would have readily attempted
the exploits of Cyrus. In addition, while piety and justice characterized
every act of Evagoras, some of the successes of Cyrus were gained
impiously: for the former destroyed his enemies, but Cyrus slew his
mother's father. Consequently if any should wish to judge, not of the
greatness of their successes, but of the essential merit of each, they
would justly award greater praise to Evagoras than even to Cyrus.
[39] And if there is need to speak concisely, without
reservation or fear of arousing ill-feeling, but with the utmost frankness,
I would say that no one, whether mortal, demigod, or immortal, will be
found to have obtained his throne more nobly, more splendidly, or more piously.
Anyone would in the highest degree be confirmed in this belief if,
distrusting completely what I have said, he were to set about examining how
each gained royal power. For it will be manifest that it is through no
desire whatever of grandiloquence, but because of the truth of the matter,
that I have spoken thus boldly about Evagoras.
[40] Now if he had distinguished himself in unimportant
ways only, he would fittingly be thought worthy also of praise of like
nature: but as it is, all would admit that of all blessings whether human
or divine supreme power is the greatest, the most august, and the object of
greatest strife. That man, therefore, who has most gloriously acquired the
most glorious of possessions, what poet or what artificer of words could
raise in a manner worthy of his deeds?
[41] Nor again, though he was a man of surpassing merit
in these respects, will Evagoras be found deficient in all others, but, in
the first place, although gifted by nature with the highest intelligence
and capable of successful action in very many fields, yet he judged that he
should not slight any matter or act on the spur of the moment in public
affairs: nay, he spent most of his time in inquiring, in deliberation, and
in taking counsel, for he believed that if he should prepare his mind well,
all would be well with his kingdom also ; and he marvelled at those who,
while they cultivate the mind for all other ends, take no thought of the
mind itself.
[42] Again, in public affairs he held to the same
opinion: for, seeing that those persons who look best after realities are
least worried, and that the true freedom from anxiety is to be found, not
in inactivity, but in success and patient endurance, he left nothing
unexamined: on the contrary, so thoroughly was he cognizant of public
affairs and so thorough was his knowledge of each of the citizens, that
neither those who conspired against him took him unawares, nor did the good
citizens remain unknown to him, but all got their deserts: for he neither
punished nor honored them on the basis of what he heard from others, but
from his own knowledge he judged them.
[43] When he had engaged himself in the care of such
matters he made not a single mistake in dealing with the unexpected
incidents which daily befell, but he governed the city so reverently and
humanely that visitors to the island1 did not so much envy Evagoras his
office as they did the citizens their government under him: for throughout
his whole life he never acted unjustly toward anyone but ever honored the
good: and while he ruled all his subjects with strictness, yet he punished
wrongdoers in accordance with the laws; [44] and while he was in no need of
advisers, yet he sought the counsel of his friends. He yielded often to his
intimates, but in everything dominated his enemies: he inspired respect,
not by the frownings of his brow, but by the principles of his life--in no
thing was he disposed to carelessness or caprice, but observed his
agreements in deed as well as word;
[45] he was proud, not of successes that were due to
Fortune, but of those that came about through his own efforts: his friends
he made subject to himself by his benefactions the rest by his magnanimity
he enslaved: he inspired fear, not by venting his wrath upon many, but
because in character he far surpassed all others: of his pleasures he was
the master and not their servant: by little labor he gained much leisure,
but would not, to gain a little respite, leave great labors undone; [46] in
general, he fell in no respect short of the qualities which belong to
kings, but choosing from each kind of government the best characteristic,
he was democratic in his service to the people, statesmanlike in the
administration of the city as a whole, an able general in his good counsel
in the face of dangers, and princely in his superiority in all these
qualities. That these attributes were inherent in Evagoras, and even more
than these, it is easy to learn from his deeds themselves.
[47] After he had taken over the government of the city,
which had been reduced to a state of barbarism and, because it was ruled by
Phoenicians, was neither hospitable to the Greeks nor acquainted with the
arts, nor possessed of a trading-port or harbor, Evagoras remedied all
these defects and, besides, acquired much additional territory, surrounded
it all with new walls and built triremes, and with other construction so
increased the city that it was inferior to none of the cities of Greece.
And he caused it to become so powerful that many who formerly despised it,
now feared it.
[48] And yet it is not possible that cities should take
on such increase unless there are those who govern them by such principles
as Evagoras had and as I endeavored to describe a little before. In
consequence I am not afraid of appearing to exaggerate in speaking of the
qualities of the man, but rather lest I greatly fall short of doing justice
to his deeds. [49] For who could do justice to a man of such natural gifts,
a man who not only increased the importance of his own city, but advanced
the whole region surrounding the island to a regime of mildness and
moderation? Before Evagoras gained the throne the inhabitants were so
hostile to strangers and fierce that they considered the best rulers to be
those who treated the Greeks in the most cruel fashion. [50] At present,
however, they have undergone so great a change that they strive with one
another to see who shall be regarded as most friendly to the Greeks, and
the majority of them take their wives from us and from them beget children,
and they have greater pleasure in owning Greek possessions and observing
Greek institutions than in their own, and more of those who occupy
themselves with the liberal arts and with education in general now dwell in
these regions than in the communities in which they formerly used to live.
And for all these changes, no one could deny that Evagoras is responsible.
[51] The most convincing proof of the character and
uprightness of Evagoras is this--that many of the most reputable Greeks
left their own fatherlands and came to Cyprus to dwell, because they
considered Evagoras's rule less burdensome and more equitable than that of
their own governments at home. To mention all the others by name would be
too great a task: [52] but who does not know about Conon, first among the
Greeks for his very many glorious deeds, that when his own city had met
with ill-fortune, he chose out of all the world Evagoras and came to him,
believing that for himself Evagoras would provide the most secure asylum
and for his country the most speedy assistance. And indeed Conon, although
he had been successful in many previous ventures, in no one of them, it is
believed, had he planned more wisely than in this; [53] for the result of
his visit to Cyprus was that he both conferred and received most benefits.
In the first place, no sooner had Evagoras and Conon met one another than
they esteemed each other more highly than those who before had been their
intimate friends. Again, they not only were in complete harmony all their
lives regarding all other matters, but also in matters relating to our own
city they held to the same opinion.
[54] For when they beheld Athens under the domination of
the Lacedaemonians and the victim of a great reversal of fortune, they were
filled with grief and indignation, both acting fittingly: for Conon was a
native son of Athens, and Evagoras, because of his many generous
benefactions, had legally been given citizenship by the Athenians. And
while they were deliberating how they might free Athens from her misfortunes,
the Lacedaemonians themselves soon furnished the opportunity: for, as
rulers of the Greeks on land and sea, they became so insatiate that they
attempted to ravage Asia also. [55] Conon and Evagoras seized this
opportunity, and, as the generals of the Persian king were at a loss to
know how to handle the situation, these two advised them to wage war
against the Lacedaemonians, not upon land but upon the sea, their opinion
being that if the Persians should organize an army on land and with this should
gain a victory, the mainland alone would profit, whereas, if they should be
victors on the sea, all Hellas would have a share in the victory. [56] And
that in fact is what happened: the generals followed this advice, a fleet
was assembled, the Lacedaemonians were defeated in a naval battle3 and lost
their supremacy, while the Greeks regained their freedom and our city
recovered in some measure its old-time glory and became leader of the
allies. And although all this was accomplished with Conon as commander, yet
Evagoras both made the outcome possible and furnished the greater part of
the armament.
[57] In gratitude we honored them with the highest
honors and set up their statues where stands the image of Zeus the Savior,
near to it and to one another, a memorial both of the magnitude of their
benefactions and of their mutual friendship.
The king of Persia, however, did not have the same
opinion of them: on the contrary, the greater and more illustrious their
deeds the more he feared them. Concerning Conon I will give an account
elsewhere ; but that toward Evagoras he entertained this feeling not even
the king himself sought to conceal. [58] For he was manifestly more
concerned about the war in Cyprus than about any other, and regarded
Evagoras as a more powerful and formidable antagonist than Cyrus, who had
disputed the throne with him. The most convincing proof of this statement
is this: when the king heard of the preparations Cyrus was making he viewed
him with such contempt that because of his indifference Cyrus almost stood
at the doors of his palace before he was aware of him. With regard to
Evagoras, however, the king had stood in terror of him for so long a time
that even while he was receiving benefits from him he had undertaken to
make war upon him--a wrongful act, indeed, but his purpose was not
altogether unreasonable. [59] For the king well knew that many men, both
Greeks and barbarians, starting from low and insignificant beginnings, had
overthrown great dynasties, and he was aware too of the lofty ambition of
Evagoras and that the growth of both his prestige and of his political
activities was not taking place by slow degrees: also that Evagoras had
unsurpassed natural ability and that Fortune was fighting with him as an
ally.
[60] Therefore it was not in anger for the events of the
past, but with forebodings for the future, nor yet fearing for Cyprus
alone, but for reasons far weightier, that he undertook the war against
Evagoras. In any case he threw himself into it with such ardor that he
expended on this expedition more than fifteen thousand talents.
[61] But nevertheless, although Evagoras was inferior in
all the resources of war, after he had marshalled in opposition to these extraordinarily
immense preparations of the king his own determination, he proved himself
in these circumstances to be far more worthy of admiration than in all
those I have mentioned before. For when his enemies permitted him to be at
peace, all he possessed was his own city; [62] but when he was forced to go
to war, he proved so valiant, and had so valiant an ally in his son
Pnytagoras, that he almost subdued the whole of Cyprus, ravaged Phoenicia,
took Tyre by storm, caused Cilicia to revolt from the king, and slew so
many of his enemies that many of the Persians, when they mourn over their
sorrows, recall the valor of Evagoras .
[63] And finally he so glutted them with war1 that the
Persian kings, who at other times were not accustomed to make peace with
their rebellious subjects until they had become masters of their persons,
gladly made peace, abandoning this custom and leaving entirely undisturbed
the authority of Evagoras. [64] And although the king within three years
destroyed the dominion of the Lacedaemonians, who were then at the height
of their glory and power, yet after he had waged war against Evagoras for
ten years, he left him lord of all that he had possessed before he entered
upon the war. But the most amazing thing of all is this: the city which,
held by another prince, Evagoras had captured with fifty men, the Great
King, with all his vast power, was unable to subdue at all.
[65] In truth, how could one reveal the courage, the
wisdom, or the virtues generally of Evagoras more clearly than by pointing
to such deeds and perilous enterprises? For he will be shown to have
surpassed in his exploits, not only those of other wars, but even those of
the war of the heroes which is celebrated in the songs of all men. For
they, in company with all Hellas, captured Troy only, but Evagoras,
although he possessed but one city, waged war against all Asia.
Consequently, if the number of those who wished to praise him had equalled
those who lauded the heroes at Troy, he would have gained far greater renown
than they.
[66] For whom shall we find of the men of that age--if
we disregard the fabulous tales and look at the truth--who has accomplished
such feats or has brought about changes so great in political affairs?
Evagoras, from private estate, made himself a sovereign: his entire family,
which had been driven from political power, he restored again to their
appropriate honors: the citizens of barbarian birth he transformed into
Hellenes, [67] cravens into warriors, and obscure individuals into men of note:
and having taken over a country wholly inhospitable and utterly reduced to
savagery, he made it more civilized and gentler: furthermore, when he
became hostile to the king, he defended himself so gloriously that the
Cyprian War has become memorable for ever: and when he was the ally of the
king, he made himself so much more serviceable than the others that, [68]
in the opinion of all, the forces he contributed to the naval battle at
Cnidus were the largest, and as the result of this battle, while the king
became master of all Asia, the Lacedaemonians instead of ravaging the
continent were compelled to fight for their own land, and the Greeks, in
place of servitude, gained independence, and the Athenians increased in
power so greatly that those who formerly were their rulers1 came to offer
them the hegemony.
[69] Consequently, if anyone should ask me what I regard
as the greatest of the achievements of Evagoras, whether the careful
military preparations directed against the Lacedaemonians which resulted in
the aforesaid successes, or the last war, or the recovery of his throne, or
his general administration of affairs, I should be at a great loss what to
say in reply: for each achievement to which I happen to direct my attention
seems to me the greatest and most admirable.
[70] Therefore, I believe that, if any men of the past
have by their merit become immortal, Evagoras also has earned this
preferment: and my evidence for that belief is this--that the life he lived
on earth has been more blessed by fortune and more favored by the gods than
theirs. For of the demigods the greater number and the most renowned were,
we shall find, afflicted by the most grievous misfortunes, but Evagoras
continued from the beginning to be not only the most admired, but also the
most envied for his blessings. [71] For in what respect did he lack utter
felicity? Such ancestors Fortune gave to him as to no other man, unless it
has been one sprung from the same stock, and so greatly in body and mind
did he excel others that he was worthy to hold sway over not only Salamis
but the whole of Asia also: and having acquired most gloriously his kingdom
he continued in its possession all his life: and though a mortal by birth,
he left behind a memory of himself that is immortal, and he lived just so
long that he was neither unacquainted with old age, nor afflicted with the
infirmities attendant upon that time of life.
[72] In addition to these blessings, that which seems to
he the rarest and most difficult thing to win--to be blessed with many
children who are at the same time good--not even this was denied him, but
this also fell to his lot. And the greatest blessing was this: of his
offspring he left not one who was addressed merely by a private title: on
the contrary, one was called king, others princes, and others princesses.
In view of these facts, if any of the poets have used extravagant
expressions in characterizing any man of the past, asserting that he was a
god among men, or a mortal divinity, all praise of that kind would be especially
in harmony with the noble qualities of Evagoras.
[73] No doubt I have omitted much that might be said of
Evagoras: for I am past my prime of life, in which I should have worked out
this eulogy with greater finish and diligence. Nevertheless, even at my
age, to the best of my ability he has not been left without his encomium.
For my part, Nicocles, I think that while effigies of the body are fine
memorials, yet likenesses of deeds and of the character are of far greater
value, and these are to be observed only in discourses composed according
to the rules of art. [74] These I prefer to statues because I know, in the
first place, that honorable men pride themselves not so much on bodily
beauty as they desire to be honored for their deeds and their wisdom: in
the second place, because I know that images must of necessity remain
solely among those in whose cities they were set up, whereas portrayals in
words may be published throughout Hellas, and having been spread abroad in
the gatherings of enlightened men, are welcomed among those whose approval
is more to be desired than that of all others;
[75] and finally, while no one can make the bodily
nature resemble molded statues and portraits in painting, yet for those who
do not choose to be slothful, but desire to be good men, it is easy to
imitate the character of their fellow-men and their thoughts and
purposes--those, I mean, that are embodied in the spoken word. [76] For
these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse because I
believed that for you, for your children, and for all the other descendants
of Evagoras, it would be by far the best incentive, if someone should
assemble his achievements, give them verbal adornment, and submit them to
you for your contemplation and study. [77] For we exhort young men to the
study of philosophy1 by praising others in order that they, emulating those
who are eulogized, may desire to adopt the same pursuits, but I appeal to
you and yours, using as examples not aliens, but members of your own
family, and I counsel you to devote your attention to this, that you may
not be surpassed in either word or deed by any of the Hellenes
[78] And do not imagine that I am reproaching you for
indifference at present, because I often admonish you on the same subject.
For it has not escaped the notice of either me or anyone else that you,
Nicocles, are the first and the only one of those who possess royal power,
wealth, and luxury who has undertaken to pursue the study of philosophy,
nor that you will cause many kings, emulating your culture, to desire these
studies and to abandon the pursuits in which they now take too great
pleasure. [79] Although I am aware of these things, none the less I am
acting, and shall continue to act, in the same fashion as spectators at the
athletic games: for they do not shout encouragement to the runners who have
been distanced in the race, but to those who still strive for the victory.
[80] It is my task, therefore, and that of your other
friends, to speak and to write in such fashion as may be likely to incite
you to strive eagerly after those things which even now you do in fact
desire: and you it behooves not to be negligent, but as at present so in
the future to pay heed to yourself and to discipline your mind that you may
be worthy of your father and of all your ancestors. For though it is the
duty of all to place a high value upon wisdom, yet you kings especially
should do so, who have power over very many and weighty affairs.
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385 BC
[14.98.1] In Cyprus Evagoras of Salamis, who was of most
noble birth, since he was descended from the founders of the city, but had
previously been banished because of some factional quarrels and had later
returned in company with a small group, drove out Abdemon of Tyre, who was
lord of the city and a friend of the King of the Persians. When he took
control of the city, Evagoras was at first king only of Salamis, the
largest and strongest of the cities of Cyprus; but when he soon acquired
great resources and mobilized an army, he set out to make the whole island
his own. [2] Some of the cities he subdued by force and others he won over
by persuasion. While he easily gained control of the other cities, the
peoples of Amathus, Soli, and Citium resisted him with arms and dispatched
ambassadors to Artaxerxes the King of the Persians to get his aid. They
accused Evagoras of having slain King Agyris, an ally of the Persians, and
promised to join the King in acquiring the island for him. [3] The King,
not only because he did not wish Evagoras to grow any stronger, but also
because he appreciated the strategic position of Cyprus and its great naval
strength whereby it would be able to protect Asia in front, decided to
accept the alliance. He dismissed the ambassadors and for himself sent
letters to the cities situated on the sea and to their commanding satraps
to construct triremes and with all speed to make ready everything the fleet
might need; and he commanded Hecatomnus, the ruler of Caria, to make war
upon Evagoras. [4] Hecatomnus traversed the cities of the upper satrapies
and crossed over to Cyprus in strong force.
[14.110.1] At the conclusion of these events the year
came to an end, and among the Athenians Theodotus was archon and in Rome
the consular magistracy was held by six military tribunes, Quintus Caeso
Sulpicius, Aenus Caeso Fabius, Quintus Servilius, and Publius Cornelius.
[2] After these men had entered office, the Lacedaemonians, who were hard
put to it by their double war, that against the Greeks and that against the
Persians, dispatched their admiral Antalcidas to Artaxerxes to treat for
peace. [3] Antalcidas discussed as well as he could the circumstances of
his mission and the King agreed to make peace on the following terms:
"The Greek cities of Asia are subject to the King, but all the other
Greeks shall be independent; and upon those who refuse compliance and do
not accept these terms I shall make war through the aid of those who
consent to them." [4] Now the Lacedaemonians consented to the terms
and offered no opposition, but the Athenians and Thebans and some of the
other Greeks were deeply concerned that the cities of Asia should be left
in the lurch. But since they were not by themselves a match in war, they
consented of necessity and accepted the peace.
[5] The King, now that his difference with the Greeks
was settled, made ready his armaments for the war against Cyprus. For
Evagoras had got possession of almost the whole of Cyprus and gathered
strong armaments, because Artaxerxes was distracted by the war against the
Greeks.
[15.2.1] When Mystichides was archon in Athens, the
Romans elected in place of consuls three military tribunes, Marcus Furius,
Gaius, and Aemilius. This year Artaxerxes, the King of the Persians, made
war upon Evagoras, the king of Cyprus. He busied himself for a long time
with the preparations for the war and gathered a large armament, both naval
and land; his land force consisted of three hundred thousand men including
cavalry, and he equipped more than three hundred triremes. [2] As
commanders he chose for the land force his brother-in-law Orontes, and for
the naval Tiribazus, a man who was held in high favour among the Persians.
These commanders took over the armaments in Phocaea and Cyme, repaired to
Cilicia, and passed over to Cyprus, where they prosecuted the war with
vigour.
[3] Evagoras made an alliance with Acoris, the king of
the Egyptians, who was an enemy of the Persians, and received a strong
force from him, and from Hecatomnus, the lord of Caria, who was secretly
co-operating with him, he got a large sum of money to support his mercenary
troops. Likewise he drew on such others to join in the war with Persia as
were at odds with the Persians, either secretly or openly. [4] He was
master of practically all the cities of Cyprus, and of Tyre and some others
in Phoenicia. He also had ninety triremes, of which twenty were Tyrian and
seventy were Cyprian, six thousand soldiers of his own subjects, and many
more than this number from his allies. In addition to these he enlisted
many mercenaries, since he had funds in abundance. And not a few soldiers
were sent him by the king of the Arabs and by certain others of whom the
King of the Persians was suspicious.
III. Since Evagoras had such advantages, he entered the
war with confidence. First, since he had not a few boats of the sort used
for piracy, he lay in wait for the supplies coming to the enemy, sank some
of their ships at sea, drove off others, and captured yet others.
Consequently the merchants did not dare to convey food to Cyprus; and since
large armaments had been gathered on the island, [2] the army of the
Persians soon suffered from lack of food and the want led to revolt, the
mercenaries of the Persians attacking their officers, slaying some of them,
and filling the camp with tumult and revolt. It was with difficulty that
the generals of the Persians and the leader of the naval armament, known as
Glos, put an end to the mutiny. [3] Sailing off with their entire fleet,
they transported a large quantity of grain from Cilicia and provided a
great abundance of food. As for Evagoras, King Acoris transported an
adequate supply of grain from Egypt and sent him money and adequate
supplies for every other need. [4] Evagoras, seeing that he was much
inferior in naval strength, fitted out sixty additional ships and sent for
fifty from Acoris in Egypt, so that he had in all two hundred triremes.
These he fitted out for battle in a way to cause terror and by continued
trials and drill got ready for a sea engagement. Consequently, when the
King's fleet sailed past toward Citium, he fell upon the ships unexpectedly
and had a great advantage over the Persians. [5] For he attacked with his
ships in compact array ships in disorder, and since he fought with men
whose plans were prepared against men unready, he at once at the first
encounter won a prearranged victory. For, attacking as he did with his
triremes in close order triremes that were scattered and in confusion, he
sank some and captured others. [6] Still the Persian admiral Glos and the
other commanders put up a gallant resistance, and a fierce struggle
developed in which at first Evagoras held the upper hand. Later, however,
when Glos attacked in strong force and put up a gallant fight, the result
was that Evagoras turned in flight and lost many of his triremes.
IV. The Persians after their victory in the sea-fight
gathered both their sea and land forces at the city of Citium. From this as
their base they organized a siege of Salamis and beleaguered the city both
by land and by sea. [2] Meantime Tiribazus crossed over to Cilicia after
the sea-fight and continued thence to the King, reported the victory, and
brought back two thousand talents for the prosecution of the war. Before
the sea-fight, Evagoras, who had fallen in with a body of the land force
near the sea and defeated it, had been confident of success, but when he
suffered defeat in the sea-fight and found himself besieged, he lost heart.
[3] Nevertheless, deciding to continue the war, he left his son Pnytagoras
behind as supreme commander in Cyprus and himself took ten triremes, eluded
the enemy, and got away from Salamis. On arriving in Egypt he met the king
and urged him to continue the war energetically and to consider the war
against the Persians a common undertaking.
[15.8.1] When Dexitheus was archon in Athens, the Romans
elected as consuls Lucius Lucretius and Servius Sulpicius (385 BC). This
year Evagoras, the king of the Salaminians, arrived in Cyprus from Egypt,
bringing money from Acoris, the king of Egypt, but less than he had
expected. When he found that Salamis was closely besieged and that he was
deserted by his allies, he was forced to discuss terms of settlement. [2]
Tiribazus, who held the supreme command, agreed to a settlement upon the conditions
that Evagoras should withdraw from all the cities of Cyprus, that as king
of Salamis alone he should pay the Persian King a fixed annual tribute, and
that he should obey orders as slave to master. [3] Although these were hard
terms, Evagoras agreed to them all except that he refused to obey orders as
slave to master, saying that he should be subject as king to king. When
Tiribazus would not agree to this, Orontes, who was the other general and
envious of Tiribazus' high position, secretly sent letters to Artaxerxes
against Tiribazus. [4] The charges against him were first, that although he
was able to take Salamis, he was not doing so, but was receiving embassies
from Evagoras and conferring with him on the question of making common
cause; that he was likewise concluding a private alliance with the
Lacedaemonians, being their friend; that he had sent to Pytho to inquire of
the god regarding his plans for revolt; and, most important of all, that he
was winning for himself the commanders of the troops by acts of kindness,
bringing them over by honours and gifts and promises. [5] On reading the
letter the King, believing the accusations, wrote to Orontes to arrest
Tiribazus and dispatch him to him. When the order had been carried out,
Tiribazus, on being brought to the King, asked for a trial and for the time
being was put in prison. After this the King was engaged in a war with the
Cadusians and postponed the trial, and so the legal action was deferred.
IX. Orontes succeeded to the command of the forces in
Cyprus. But when he saw that Evagoras was again putting up a bold
resistance to the siege and, furthermore, that the soldiers were angered at
the arrest of Tiribazus and so were insubordinate and listless in pressing
the siege, Orontes became alarmed at the surprising change in the
situation. He therefore sent men to Evagoras to discuss a settlement and to
urge him to agree to a peace on the same terms Evagoras had agreed to with
Tiribazus. [2] Evagoras, then, was surprisingly able to dispel the menace of
capture, and agreed to peace on the conditions that he should be king of
Salamis, pay the fixed tribute annually, and obey as a king the orders of
the King. So the Cyprian war, which had lasted for approximately ten years,
although the larger part of the period was spent in preparations and there
were in all but two years of continuous warfare, came to the end we have
described.
[3] Glos, who had been in command of the fleet and was
married to the daughter of Tiribazus, fearful that it might be thought that
he had co-operated with Tiribazus in his plan and that he would be punished
by the King, resolved to safeguard his position by a new project of action.
Since he was well supplied with money and soldiers and had furthermore won
the commanders of the triremes to himself by acts of kindness, he resolved
to revolt from the King. [4] At once, then, he sent ambassadors to Acoris,
the king of the Egyptians, and concluded an alliance with him against the
King. He also wrote the Lacedaemonians and incited them against the King,
promising to give them a large sum of money and offering other great
inducements. He pledged himself to full co-operation with them in Greece
and to work with them in restoring the supremacy their fathers had
exercised. [5] Even before this the Spartans had made up their minds to
recover their supremacy, and at the time were already throwing the cities
into confusion and enslaving them, as was clear to all men. Moreover, they
were in bad repute because it was generally believed that in the agreement
they had made with the King they had betrayed the Greeks of Asia, and so
they repented of what they had done and sought a plausible excuse for a war
against Artaxerxes. Consequently they were glad to enter the alliance with
Glos.
X. After Artaxerxes had concluded the war with the
Cadusians, he brought up the trial of Tiribazus and assigned three of the
most highly esteemed Persians as judges. At this time other judges who were
believed to have been corrupt were flayed alive and their skins stretched
tight on judicial benches. The judges rendered their decisions seated on
these, having before their eyes an example of the punishment meted out to
corrupt decisions. [2] Now the accusers read the letter sent by Orontes and
stated that it constituted sufficient cause for accusation. Tiribazus, with
respect to the charge in connection with Evagoras, presented the agreement
made by Orontes that Evagoras should obey the King as a king, whereas he
had himself agreed upon a peace on the terms that Evagoras should obey the
King as a slave his master. With respect to the oracle he stated that the
god as a general thing gives no response regarding death, and to the truth
of this he invoked all the Greeks present as witnesses. As for the
friendship with the Lacedaemonians, he replied in defence that he had
formed the friendship not for any advantage of his own but for the profit
of the King; and he pointed out that the Greeks of Asia were thereby
detached from the Lacedaemonians and delivered captive to the King. At the
conclusion of his defence he reminded the judges of the former good
services he had rendered the King.
[3] It is related that Tiribazus pointed out many
services to the King, and one very great one, as a result of which he was highly
regarded and became a very great friend. Once during a hunt, while the King
was riding in a chariot, two lions came at him, tore to pieces two of the
four horses belonging to the chariot, and then charged upon the King
himself; but at that very moment Tiribazus appeared, slew the lions, and
rescued the King from the danger. [4] In wars also, men say, he excelled in
valour, and in council his judgement was so good that when the King
followed his advice he never made a mistake. By means of such a defence
Tiribazus was cleared of the charges by the unanimous vote of the judges.
XI. The King summoned the judges one by one and asked
each of them what principles of justice he had followed in clearing the
accused. The first said that he observed the charges to be debatable, while
the benefactions were not contested. The second said that, though it were
granted that the charges were true, nevertheless the benefactions exceeded
the offences. The third stated that he did not take into account the
benefactions, because Tiribazus had received from the King in return for
them favours and honours many times as great, but that when the charges
were examined apart by themselves, the accused did not appear to be guilty
of them. [2] The King praised the judges for having rendered a just
decision and bestowed upon Tiribazus the highest honours, such as were
customary. Orontes, however, he condemned as one who had fabricated a false
accusation, expelled him from his list of friends, and subjected him to the
utmost marks of degradation.
Such was the state of affairs in Asia.
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